Ladakh 2 to 7: Muslim parties play victim, but here's why the region needs an administrative district division
Under the new administrative restructuring, Leh district will now comprise 44 revenue villages, Nubra 30, and Changthang 24. On the other hand, Kargil district will include 80 revenue villages, while Sham will have 27, Zanskar 26, and Drass 19.
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On 27th April 2026, Ladakh L-G, Vinai Kumar Saxena, notified the creation of five new districts, “to meet the aspirations of the people of Ladakh and to fulfil their long-pending demand”. The Central government had approved the formation of these new districts back in August 2024. The creation of districts, Nubra, Sham, Changthang, Zanskar, and Drass, has increased the Union Territory’s total from two districts, Leh and Kargil, to seven. This historic administrative overhaul, however, has irked local Muslim organisations and political parties, who have labelled the move ‘gerrymandering’ by the Central government to ‘weaken’ the statehood movement.
Under the new administrative restructuring, Leh district will now comprise 44 revenue villages, Nubra 30, and Changthang 24. On the other hand, Kargil district will include 80 revenue villages, while Sham will have 27, Zanskar 26, and Drass 19. In terms of demographic distribution, Buddhist-majority regions fall under Leh with a total of 151 villages, whereas Shia Muslim-majority areas are part of Kargil with 99 villages.
The newly created districts of Nubra, Sham, and Changthang have been carved out of the existing Leh district, while Zanskar and Drass have been separated from Kargil. This marks the most significant administrative overhaul in Ladakh since it was designated a Union Territory in 2019.
A key objective behind this reorganisation is decentralisation. The Central government aims to improve access to administration, development initiatives, healthcare, education, and grievance redressal by bringing governance closer to remote regions such as Nubra Valley, Changthang Plateau, Zanskar, and Drass, which were previously administered from distant district headquarters.
Referring to the 2011 Census data, Owaisi argued that Muslims have effectively been reduced to a minority in administrative terms, with only two districts, while five districts are now Buddhist-majority. He pointed out that Muslims constitute 46.40% of Ladakh’s population, compared to 39.65% Buddhists, out of a total population of 2,74,289. Despite this, only two districts are Muslim-majority, prompting him to accuse the Modi government of “gerrymandering.”
The Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA), meanwhile, has described the creation of five new districts as a “calculated attempt” to divide the joint statehood movement of Buddhists and Muslims, who have been demanding full statehood for Ladakh and inclusion under the Sixth Schedule for tribal safeguards.
Contrary to some claims, Ladakh’s new district boundaries largely follow long-standing demographic and geographic realities. Leh and its sub-regions, Sham, Changthang, and Nubra, have historically been Buddhist-majority, while Kargil is predominantly Muslim-majority, with Zanskar as a Buddhist pocket and Drass largely Muslim. These patterns were not newly created.
District formation is meant to improve administrative efficiency, not ensure proportional political representation. Ladakh has no Vidhansabha and remains a single Lok Sabha constituency, so new districts do not impact elections.
Buddhist-majority sub-regions of Leh, such as Nubra, Sham, and Changthang, have long sought improved administrative mechanisms to boost development and address local grievances more effectively. Claims that the creation of new districts will fracture Buddhist-Muslim unity over the demand for Ladakh’s statehood lack a factual basis, as statehood remains a separate political issue unaffected by administrative restructuring.
The frequent use of the term “gerrymandering” in this context is also misplaced. By definition, gerrymandering refers to the manipulation of electoral boundaries to influence voting outcomes. In Ladakh’s case, this does not apply, as it is a Union Territory without a legislative assembly and remains a single Lok Sabha constituency. The newly formed districts are purely administrative units and have no impact on elections or voting power.
The restructuring largely formalises existing geographic and demographic realities. Zanskar has historically been a Buddhist-majority region, while Drass has long been Muslim-majority. Ladakh’s population is unevenly distributed, with concentrated Muslim-majority pockets in the Kargil region and vast Buddhist-majority areas in Leh. Districts are not designed as population-proportional political units but as administrative divisions for effective governance.
Concerns raised about disparities in village distribution, for instance, one Muslim-majority district having 80 villages compared to others with fewer, overlook the fact that Kargil alone has more villages than any of the newly created districts or even Leh. Such differences are largely shaped by geography, with Leh spanning a much larger and more sparsely populated high-altitude area.
Further arguments citing Finance Commission norms are also misleading. While the 15th Finance Commission uses population and area as criteria for fund allocation, it does not prescribe rules for the creation of districts. District formation remains an administrative decision aimed at improving governance. Rather than skewing resources, the creation of new districts is expected to decentralise administration, ensuring dedicated budgets and better service delivery to remote regions, whether in Buddhist-majority areas like Zanskar or Muslim-majority regions like Drass.
Back then, Union Home Minister Amit Shah had said, “In pursuit of PM Shri @narendramodi Ji’s vision to build a developed and prosperous Ladakh, the MHA has decided to create five new districts in the union territory. The new districts, namely Zanskar, Drass, Sham, Nubra, and Changthang, will take the benefits meant for the people to their doorsteps by bolstering governance in every nook and cranny. The Modi government is committed to creating abundant opportunities for the people of Ladakh.”
Under the new administrative restructuring, Leh district will now comprise 44 revenue villages, Nubra 30, and Changthang 24. On the other hand, Kargil district will include 80 revenue villages, while Sham will have 27, Zanskar 26, and Drass 19. In terms of demographic distribution, Buddhist-majority regions fall under Leh with a total of 151 villages, whereas Shia Muslim-majority areas are part of Kargil with 99 villages.
The newly created districts of Nubra, Sham, and Changthang have been carved out of the existing Leh district, while Zanskar and Drass have been separated from Kargil. This marks the most significant administrative overhaul in Ladakh since it was designated a Union Territory in 2019.
Despite being India’s second-largest Union Territory by area, Ladakh remains sparsely populated, with over 2.74 lakh residents recorded in the 2011 Census and an estimated population now exceeding 3 lakh. The population is scattered across vast, high-altitude regions marked by remote valleys, plateaus, limited connectivity, and harsh climatic conditions. Given these challenges, the earlier two-district system, Leh for Buddhist-majority regions and Kargil for Muslim-majority areas, had become increasingly difficult to manage for effective governance.
A historic day for Ladakh.
— LG Ladakh (@lg_ladakh) April 27, 2026
I have approved the notification for creation of five new districts in Ladakh, fulfilling the aspirations and long pending demand of the people of Ladakh.
With creation of five new districts - Nubra, Sham, Changthang, Zanskar and Drass - Ladakh will…
A key objective behind this reorganisation is decentralisation. The Central government aims to improve access to administration, development initiatives, healthcare, education, and grievance redressal by bringing governance closer to remote regions such as Nubra Valley, Changthang Plateau, Zanskar, and Drass, which were previously administered from distant district headquarters.
The demand for separate districts has long been raised by residents of these regions, who see it as a step toward better infrastructure, increased tourism, improved employment opportunities, and stronger local economies. With smaller, more focused districts, governance is expected to become more efficient, supported by dedicated administrative and law enforcement systems tailored to the unique challenges of the region, including border sensitivities and ecological fragility.
Islamists and Muslim parties play the victim card
It has become a recurring pattern for some Islamist political parties to frame many policy decisions of the Modi government through the lens of Muslim victimhood. In this context, Asaduddin Owaisi, the chief of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM), has criticised the creation of five new districts in Ladakh, calling it an attempt to “divide the unified statehood movement of Buddhists and Muslims.”
Referring to the 2011 Census data, Owaisi argued that Muslims have effectively been reduced to a minority in administrative terms, with only two districts, while five districts are now Buddhist-majority. He pointed out that Muslims constitute 46.40% of Ladakh’s population, compared to 39.65% Buddhists, out of a total population of 2,74,289. Despite this, only two districts are Muslim-majority, prompting him to accuse the Modi government of “gerrymandering.”
The Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA), meanwhile, has described the creation of five new districts as a “calculated attempt” to divide the joint statehood movement of Buddhists and Muslims, who have been demanding full statehood for Ladakh and inclusion under the Sixth Schedule for tribal safeguards.
The group argues that the new setup creates two Muslim-majority districts, Kargil and Drass, against five Buddhist-majority ones: Leh, Nubra, Sham, Changthang, and Zanskar, despite Muslims forming a slightly larger share of the population. KDA leader Sajjad Kargili called the distribution “skewed and discriminatory,” saying it overlooks demographic realities and fair representation.
Similarly, Mohammad Jaffer Akhoon, Chairman and Chief Executive Councillor of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council-Kargil, termed the move “arbitrary and one-sided,” alleging it deepens regional divides and ignores Muslim-majority areas. He also raised concerns that future allocation of funds and government posts could become disproportionately tilted, making the arrangement “unfair and unjust.”
Zanskar Buddhist Association Youth Wing, on the other hand, welcomes “landmark” decision
Contrary to some claims, Ladakh’s new district boundaries largely follow long-standing demographic and geographic realities. Leh and its sub-regions, Sham, Changthang, and Nubra, have historically been Buddhist-majority, while Kargil is predominantly Muslim-majority, with Zanskar as a Buddhist pocket and Drass largely Muslim. These patterns were not newly created.
District formation is meant to improve administrative efficiency, not ensure proportional political representation. Ladakh has no Vidhansabha and remains a single Lok Sabha constituency, so new districts do not impact elections.
Zanskar’s separation from Kargil fulfils a decades-old demand by local Buddhist residents, who had long raised concerns about neglect and poor connectivity. While some groups oppose the move, the Zanskar Buddhist Association Youth Wing has welcomed it as a “landmark” decision, thanking Narendra Modi and Amit Shah for addressing a long-pending demand.
Zanskar Buddhist Association Youth Wing welcomes the historic declaration of #Zanskar as a separate district, calling it the fulfillment of a long-pending demand
— Radio News Kargil (@airnewskargil) April 28, 2026
Thanked PM @narendramodi, HM @AmitShah & @lg_ladakh, expressing hope for faster development & better governance pic.twitter.com/XjHQEhg52F
Buddhist-majority sub-regions of Leh, such as Nubra, Sham, and Changthang, have long sought improved administrative mechanisms to boost development and address local grievances more effectively. Claims that the creation of new districts will fracture Buddhist-Muslim unity over the demand for Ladakh’s statehood lack a factual basis, as statehood remains a separate political issue unaffected by administrative restructuring.
The frequent use of the term “gerrymandering” in this context is also misplaced. By definition, gerrymandering refers to the manipulation of electoral boundaries to influence voting outcomes. In Ladakh’s case, this does not apply, as it is a Union Territory without a legislative assembly and remains a single Lok Sabha constituency. The newly formed districts are purely administrative units and have no impact on elections or voting power.
The restructuring largely formalises existing geographic and demographic realities. Zanskar has historically been a Buddhist-majority region, while Drass has long been Muslim-majority. Ladakh’s population is unevenly distributed, with concentrated Muslim-majority pockets in the Kargil region and vast Buddhist-majority areas in Leh. Districts are not designed as population-proportional political units but as administrative divisions for effective governance.
Concerns raised about disparities in village distribution, for instance, one Muslim-majority district having 80 villages compared to others with fewer, overlook the fact that Kargil alone has more villages than any of the newly created districts or even Leh. Such differences are largely shaped by geography, with Leh spanning a much larger and more sparsely populated high-altitude area.
Further arguments citing Finance Commission norms are also misleading. While the 15th Finance Commission uses population and area as criteria for fund allocation, it does not prescribe rules for the creation of districts. District formation remains an administrative decision aimed at improving governance. Rather than skewing resources, the creation of new districts is expected to decentralise administration, ensuring dedicated budgets and better service delivery to remote regions, whether in Buddhist-majority areas like Zanskar or Muslim-majority regions like Drass.