Bhindranwale, Akbar Road, and the making of a crisis

In 1982, Indira ji, the then PM, was on a state visit to the US. Our intelligence department had a sense of the threat to her life there. There was an attempt, which was foiled successfully; the trip was uneventful from this perspective.


Bhindranwale too was systematically building his team. In case his authority was refused by someone, Killer Squad was formed to deal with it. The squad had 4 deserters, an escaped convict, and other members. Bhindranwale had his own way to resolve disputes with quick justice, even by using the Killing Squad. The then chief minister of the state was also attacked, but he was fortunately saved. Bombs were thrown, a branch of a national bank was looted, and target killings were carried out. Bhindranwale behaved the way as if he had total immunity from the Law. Killing of Avtar Singh Atwal, DIG of police, Jalandhar range (25 April 1983,10 am) was one such example. He visited the Golden Temple as a normal devotee. Police could not do anything when he was shot. His body could not be removed for 2 hours from the spot.

DIG Atwal was able to plant one source near Bhindranwale's circle. He had the information that on 15 March 1983, the killer squad was assigned a task. His source, too, was identified later and killed. Obviously, all this was to create fear in the minds of people, but it was not the right moment to take action against the killers, opines the author.

1 Akabar Road had placed its trusted men in Bhindranwale's inner circle to control Bhindranwale's activities. The author suspects one of them could be Harminder Singh Sandhu, who spoke fluent English and used to work as an interpreter when English-speaking visitors came to meet Bhindranwale. He was the only person who surrendered during Operation Blue Star alive. Of course, there could be more people like him.

All such things were managed by the 1 Akbar Road group, obviously.

The environment was increasingly becoming poisonous; it was turning against Hindus to a great extent. The president of the state congress and an MP for whom Bhindranwale campaigned maintained contact with him. Many in Amritsar were aware of the connection.

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Though fingers were pointed at the police for insufficient intelligence, the Governor did not endorse it. On the contrary, the police provided detailed information for the operation about the arms. The interference of the central government was also increasing; finally, the governor resigned on 3 July 1984.

Some people were fiercely against Bhindranwale in Punjab and strongly condemned the murders of Hindus.

On 15 December 1883, Bhindranwale shifted to Akal Takht. He used to hold his darbar there; his sermons were mostly anti-Hindu. He was criticised then too. He demanded to implement Anandpur Sahib Resolution. On Republic Day in 1984, the flag of Khalistan could be seen on a building near the Golden Temple. Akalis too started putting forth their original demands. When Akali Dal leaders were arrested in February 1984, it gave a call for a general strike. Provocative speeches were made, but if the governor made arrests, he was questioned.

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The situation was such that around 14 sikhs were killed in the violence during the strike called by the Hindu Suraksha Samiti in Punjab. So Akalis walked out of the discussion. The Hindu leader ( who had links with Haryana CM ) was provoking his people to attack the Sikhs. In Haryana, attacks on Sikhs started,anti-Sikh riot broke out. The Haryana CM too played his role by warning Sikhs not to test the patience of Hindus. Sikhs were killed in Haryana. When the Hindu leader was arrested for his speeches, the Haryana CM and the Union Home Minister rang up to seek the release of the Hindu leader.

The governor refused, but it shows that the author notes that even Hindu communalists were supported by the highest Congress circles. On the contrary, the governor observed that even in Delhi and UP, Sikhs were attacked. The leaders and, to an extent, even the press, too, helped in cultivating resentment against the Sikhs.


Armed men of Bhindranwale were openly moving in the Golden Temple, positions were being taken, and arms and ammunition were being moved in. Men were trained for the struggle. Defence was prepared around the Akal Takth. This was known to the Punjab government; unfortunately, the entire machinery, in a way, was under the control of extremists. Bhindranwale, in any case, wanted to have full control. Akalis wanted to have some concessions to be able to withdraw the morcha, but the details were disclosed to the press to damage their credibility. (They had a long telephonic conversation with the PM)