Assam’s UCC Push: A Correction Long Delayed

NewsBharati    26-May-2026 10:46:19 AM   
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The debate around the Uniform Civil Code has once again moved to the centre of India’s political discourse, and Assam is emerging as one of the most decisive battlegrounds in this transformation. The BJP-led government in the state has made it clear that personal laws rooted in religious identity cannot permanently override constitutional morality, gender justice and the principle of equality before law. In many ways, Assam’s move is not merely administrative reform; it is an ideological assertion that the Constitution must stand above sectarian legal traditions.

Assam’s UCC Push: A Correction Long Delayed 
Assam’s proposed framework on the Uniform Civil Code carries enormous political and national significance because the state sits on one of India’s most sensitive borders. For decades, Assam has faced the consequences of illegal infiltration, demographic anxiety and identity-based political mobilization. The issue, therefore, is not confined to marriage or inheritance laws alone. It concerns the larger question of whether citizenship in India will ultimately be governed by a shared constitutional framework or fragmented religious identities.
 
The key features emerging from Assam’s proposed legal reforms indicate a clear direction. The government has focused on ending practices such as polygamy, regulating marriage registration uniformly, discouraging child marriage and ensuring that women receive equal legal protection irrespective of religion. The state has also spoken about bringing succession and family-related matters under a more uniform legal structure. These are not radical ideas. They are principles embedded in modern constitutional democracies across the world.
 
The most important aspect of the UCC debate is that it directly challenges the idea that religious personal laws are beyond scrutiny. India cannot claim to be a genuinely secular republic if different communities continue to operate under separate civil frameworks that often contradict constitutional guarantees of equality and justice. Secularism cannot mean selective silence. A republic cannot speak of women’s rights in one breath and defend discriminatory religious customs in another.
 
For decades, political parties avoided touching this issue because they feared losing vote banks. The result was a dangerous distortion of secularism itself. Instead of creating a common civic identity, successive governments deepened communal compartments. Personal laws became political instruments. Reform became taboo. Even raising questions about constitutional uniformity was branded as “majoritarianism.” This intellectual dishonesty weakened national cohesion and encouraged competitive communal politics.
 
The country has already paid a heavy price for preserving rigid religious identities in public life. Partition itself was the ultimate consequence of politics based on separateness. But even after independence, India hesitated to move towards a common civil framework envisioned under Article 44 of the Constitution. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had argued that no modern nation could indefinitely function with permanently segregated civil laws. The Directive Principles clearly expected the state to work towards a Uniform Civil Code. But political expediency repeatedly overpowered constitutional intent.
 
Today, the BJP has altered that discourse. After Uttarakhand moved ahead with the UCC framework and Gujarat initiated similar efforts, Assam has reinforced the message that constitutional uniformity is no longer merely theoretical. BJP-ruled states are steadily creating the foundation for a broader national consensus. This also demonstrates that political will not constitutional difficulty  was always the missing factor.
  
 
The contrast with opposition parties is striking. Most non-BJP parties continue to treat the UCC primarily through the prism of electoral arithmetic. Their opposition rarely stems from constitutional reasoning; it emerges from fear of disturbing carefully cultivated vote banks. The same parties that speak endlessly about progressive politics suddenly become defenders of conservative personal laws when electoral interests are involved. Their version of secularism has increasingly appeared transactional rather than principled.
 
This contradiction is particularly visible in border states like Assam, where demographic pressures and communal polarization have already created deep anxieties among local populations. Instead of honestly engaging with these realities, opposition parties often dismiss such concerns as political exaggeration. But the people of Assam have lived through decades of social tension, illegal migration debates and cultural insecurity. In that context, the demand for a common legal identity acquires even greater importance.
 
Critics argue that the UCC threatens diversity. That argument deliberately confuses culture with civil law. India’s diversity lies in language, cuisine, traditions, festivals and spiritual practices not in unequal legal standards. A common civil code does not abolish religion. It merely ensures that citizenship rights are not determined by religious affiliation. Equal laws for all citizens strengthen democracy; they do not weaken it.
 
The Assam initiative may therefore become a turning point in India’s constitutional evolution. It signals that governance can no longer remain hostage to identity-driven exceptionalism. A nation aspiring to emerge as a global power cannot indefinitely sustain fragmented civil systems based on religion. National integration requires legal integration as well.
 
The time has also come to rethink the political vocabulary that has dominated post-independence India. The constant emphasis on “majority” and “minority” identities has often prevented the emergence of a truly national civic consciousness. Citizens must ultimately be viewed primarily as Indians, equal before one Constitution and one law. Endless political reinforcement of separate identities has not strengthened secularism; it has weakened national unity.
 
Assam’s UCC push is therefore larger than a state-level reform. It is a declaration that constitutional equality cannot remain selective. The BJP has chosen to confront an issue others avoided for decades. Whether the rest of the political class shows similar courage remains to be seen.